Government and society.
Seventeenth-century government was inextricably
bound together with the social hierarchy that dominated local
communities. Rank, status, and reputation were the criteria that enabled
members of the local elite to serve the crown either in the counties or
at court. Political theory stressed hierarchy, patriarchy, and deference
in describing the natural order of English society. The most common
visual description of this political community was the metaphor of the
body politic. Like the human body, government and society were organic
and their parts interdependent. Each element had its special and
essential tasks to perform, without which the body could not function.
At the head was the king, whose rule was based upon divine right and
whose conception of his role in the state came closer to personal
ownership than corporate management. Most of the aristocracy and gentry
were the king's own tenants, whose obligations to him included military
service, taxes, and local office holding. The monarch's claim to be
God's vice-regent on earth was relatively uncontroversial, especially
since his obligations to God included good governance. Except in dire
emergency, the monarch could not abridge the laws and customs of England
nor seize the persons or property of his subjects.
The monarch ruled personally, and the permanent institutions of
government were constantly being reshaped. Around the king was the
court, a floating body of royal servants, officeholders, and place
seekers. Personal service to the king was considered a social honour and
thus fitting to those who already enjoyed rank and privilege. (For more
on courtiers, see
Baldassare Castiglione.) Most of the aristocracy and many gentlemen
were in constant attendance at court, some with lucrative offices to
defray their expenses, others extravagantly running through their
fortunes. There was no essential preparation for royal service, no
necessary skills or experiences. Commonly, members of the elite were
educated at universities and the law courts, and most made a grand tour
of Europe where they studied languages and culture. But their entry into
royal service was normally through the patronage of family members and
connections rather than through ability.
From among his court the monarch chose a privy council. Its size and
composition remained fluid, but it was largely composed of the chief
officers of state: the lord treasurer, who oversaw revenue; the lord
chancellor, who was the crown's chief legal officer; and the lord
chamberlain, who was in charge of the king's household. The archbishop
of Canterbury was the leading churchman of the realm, and he advised the
king, who was the head of the established church. The privy council
advised the king on foreign and domestic policy and was charged with the
administration of government. It communicated with the host of unpaid
local officials who governed in the communities, ordering the justices
to enforce statutes or the deputy lieutenants to raise forces. In these
tasks the privy councillors relied not only upon the king's warrant but
upon their own local power and prestige as well. Thus, while the king
was free to choose his own councillors, he was constrained to pick those
who were capable of commanding respect. The advice that he received at
the council table was from men who kept one eye on their localities and
the other on the needs of central policy.
This interconnection between the centre and the localities was also
seen in the composition of Parliament. Parliament was another of the
king's councils, though its role in government was less well defined
than the privy council's and its summoning was intermittent. In the
early 17th century Parliament was less an institution than an event; it
was convened when the king sought the aid of his subjects in the process
of creating new laws or to provide extraordinary revenue. Like
everything else in English society, Parliament was constituted in a
hierarchy, composed of king, lords, and commons. Every peer of the realm
was personally summoned to sit in the House of Lords, which was
dominated by the greatest of the king's officers. The lower house was
composed of representatives selected from the counties and boroughs of
the nation. The House of Commons was growing as local communities
petitioned for the right to be represented in Parliament and local
gentry scrambled for the prestige of being chosen. It had 464 members in
1604 and 507 forty years later. Selection to the House of Commons was a
mark of distinction, and many communities rotated the honour among their
most important citizens and neighbours. Although there were elaborate
regulations governing who could choose and who could be chosen, in fact
very few members of the House of Commons were selected competitively.
Contests for places were uncommon, and elections in which individual
votes were cast were extremely rare.
Members of Parliament served the dual function of representing the
views of the localities to the king and of representing the views of the
king to the localities. Most were members of royal government, either at
court or in their local communities, and nearly all had responsibility
for enforcing the laws that were created at Westminster. Most
parliaments were summoned to provide revenue in times of emergency,
usually for defense, and most members were willing to provide it within
appropriate limits. They came to Parliament to do the king's business,
the business of their communities, and their own personal business in
London. Such conflicting obligations were not always easily resolved,
but Parliament was not perceived as an institution in opposition to the
king any more than the stomach was seen as opposing the head of the
body. Upsets there were, and increasingly during the 17th century king
and Parliament clashed over specific issues, but until the middle of the
century they were part of one system of royal government. |